April 1, 2014 (Michael
Pirsch) - March
marked the beginning of the sixth month of protests against the
corrupt proxy government of Thaksin Shinawatra, the fugitive former
prime minister of Thailand, who currently micro manages Thai
government affairs through his youngest sister, Prime Minister
Yingluck Shinawatra and the proxy Phuea Thai political party. He
lives in Dubai, but frequently travels to the region around Thailand
to give orders to his proxies.
However,
the start of the sixth month was not a festive occasion because a
large dark cloud has enveloped Thailand since February 22, 2014. In
the early evening hours, unknown gunmen fired grenades and automatic weapons at the People's Democratic
Reform Committee (PDRC) demonstration in the province of Trat. They
targeted the area on the perimeter of the demonstration, killing two
five-year-old girls who were helping their respective mothers at
their noodle stands.
At
the same time the little girls were shot and killed, the core members
and leaders of Thaksin's red shirt supporters were meeting in Nakhon
Ratchasima. One of the Red Shirt leaders, "Dab Daeng" took
the stage and proceeded to announce: "I have good news to tell
my red shirt brothers and sisters from all provinces. The PDRC
members of Suthep at the protest stage in Khao Saming (Trat) were
deservedly given a reception by the locals. Five PDRC people were
killed and over 30 injured. The locals welcomed them because they
love Suthep a lot…" [1]
Upon
hearing this news, many of the Red Shirts cheered, pumping their
fists in the air and applauding. While the Red Shirts were cheering
the cold blooded murder of two five year old girls, the rest of
Thailand wept. This was Saturday night, February 24, 2014.
For
Thai people, crying time was not over. On Sunday afternoon, three
people, including two more children, were murdered in front of a
shopping mall they had just left. They were waiting to get on a
"tuk-tuk" to return home when they were blasted apart by M-79 grenades. This took place at the far edge of a central Bangkok rally
location. Thailand continued to weep. To this date (March 25) no one
has been arrested.
These
same Red Shirt cheerleaders of hate and violence have emerged as the
greatest threat to peace in Thailand since the demonstrations began
in October, 2013. The protesters have exhibited a long term
commitment to peaceful protest in addition to performing acts of
civil disobedience directed at government agencies. The demonstrators
have stayed peaceful even though their protest sites, the homes of
protest leaders and homes of Democrat Party leaders have been shot at
with grenade launchers and automatic weapons dozens of times since November 2013.
This is still ongoing.
Buildings
housing the Criminal Court, the National Anti Corruption Commission
(NACC), and the Constitution Court have recently been targeted with
bombs and grenades late at night. No one has been arrested or charged
by the police for these acts of terrorism. The attacks and seeming
indifference on the part of the police have resulted in the military
setting up checkpoints in the vicinity of the four remaining protest
sites and the recently targeted court buildings. Following the murder
of four children, PDRC leaders decided to close three protest sites
in the interest of providing a safer environment for the protesters.
This hasn't stopped the terrorists as they have continued to attack
the remaining three sites, mostly late at night. They have never been
caught by the police.
The
largest group of Red Shirts in 2010 were ordinary people from each
region of the country. The next largest were the Red Shirt guards who
were modeled after the "Thahaan Phran," a paramilitary army
tasked with terrorizing members of the Communist Party of Thailand in
the 1970s. A much smaller group, the Black Shirts, were described to
Human Rights Watch by journalist Oliver Sarbil: "…their job
was to protect the Red Shirt protestor, but their real job was to
terrorize soldiers… these guys were fearless. They operated
mostly at night, but sometimes during the day. They went out in small
teams [to confront the Army]…"They weren't really
'black-shirts' - they were sometimes in green military uniforms and
others dressed like Red Shirt protestors. They…weren't interested
in dealing with the Red Shirt leaders…The guys I met knew how to
move and shoot. They also had experience handling explosives…The
Black Shirts didn't come to try and take territory - they shoot and
then they leave, they hit [the soldiers] and retreat." [2]
The
Black Shirts and the Red Shirt guards were organized by army Major
General Khattiya Sawasipol at Thaksin's request. [3] In addition, the
speeches of the Red Shirt leaders advanced violent solutions rather
than peaceful solutions. [4] The leaders advocated widespread arson
and looting in order to defend Thaksin. Notably, when the army began
its operation to take back the Red Shirt rally site on May 19, 2010,
the same leaders deserted the Red Shirt protestors, fleeing to the
safety of the headquarters of the Royal Thai Police which was less
than 100 meters from the rally stage. The protestors were left to
fend for themselves and more than 55 were killed that day. None of
the Red Shirt leaders were killed or wounded.
Image: Record low 2014 turnout shatters the myth of Thaksin's "popularity." |
The
mood of the anti-Thaksin protestors is different. There is no talk of
burning down Bangkok; no talk of "rivers of blood" in the
streets; there is only talk of enacting much needed reforms before
elections can be held.
On
Friday March 21, the Courts ruled the February 2 election invalid as
the Constitution requires the election to be held in one day. With
the Democrat Party boycotting the election, it was impossible to meet
the constitutional requirement. In fact, prior to the elections, the
Election Commission asked the proxy government to postpone the
elections - which Thaksin refused to do. The February 2 election saw
less than 50% of eligible voters take part compared to over 67% in
2011. Even in the proxy government strongholds, the turnout was less
than 2011. Many of those who voted, voted no or caused their ballot
to be invalidated. The election was an expensive farce. Now it
appears there is a chance of exacting reforms before scheduling new
elections, providing Thaksin agrees, which is highly doubtful.
Instead, rhetoric has taken a turn toward violence exploiting the
sharp divisions in Thailand.
Time
Magazine ran a story on January 16, 2014 revealing, "…members
of the Red Shirts…are readying a cache of arms in case the 46 year
old premier (Yingluck) is forced from office by either military or
judicial intervention." The article also quoted an unnamed Red
Shirt as saying, "There are strong anti-coup and anti-court
sentiments among the Red Shirt mavericks who are familiar and
experienced with weapon use." [5]
At
the same meeting where the Red Shirts cheered the murder of two five
year old girls, members of the proxy caretaker government appeared on
stage making violent threats against the country. Nattawut Saikua,
caretaker deputy minister of commerce endorsed setting up a caretaker
government "in exile" in the north or northeast and
announced the Red Shirt movement was set to go to 100% combat mode.
[7]
Those
present also proposed that Thaksin's proxy government commit itself
to civil disobedience against "unjust" rulings and
decisions by independent agencies, i.e. the court system.[8] This is
a unique concept whereby a government announces its decision not to
adhere to any court decision not favorable to itself.
Additional
threats to the military and courts were made by the proxy caretaker
minister of the interior, Charupong Ruangsuwan, who said ten million
guns were legally owned by Thai people, "These guns are for self
defense. If anyone underestimates the power of the people, you'll
know about it. I believe that we must be prepared to enter a decisive
situation….In today's fight, lives are at stake. It is not the kind
of fight we watch on cinemas. In this fight when people die, it is
for real. But I am confident we won't die and we will win."[9]
His comments were interpreted by many on both sides of the divide as
an endorsement of secession, just as the Economist predicted in
January.
Following
this meeting, Red Shirt leaders expressed their support of using
violence to "protect democracy." In Chiang Mai, Red Shirt
leaders threatened violence against anybody who blew a whistle,
signifying opposition to the proxy government. [10] Also in Chiang
Mai, patrons of night clubs were threatened with violence if the club
employed musicians who appeared on any of the stages at the Bangkok
demonstrations. In 2009, these same Red Shirts prevented a gay pride
HIV/AIDS awareness march from marching. The marchers were herded into
an enclosed area while Red Shirts threw rocks and verbally abused the
marchers. We have to keep in mind all this is being done to "protect
democracy."
The
Red Shirt's reputation as stalwart defenders of democracy was blown
apart on Saturday March 15 when it was suddenly announced that Red
Shirts chairwoman Thida Tawornseth had resigned as leader and
Jatuporn Promphan was "appointed" - not elected - to
replace her. Democracy is defined as "rule by the governed."
Thus, basic democracy must involve the governed in determining the
direction and policy of the government or organization. Democracy
requires a well educated population. Thailand's education system
fails to provide the tools necessary for critical thinking. There are
no institutions in Thailand which practice democracy, such as
democratic labor unions. Thida's resignation and Jatuporn's ascension
were not the result of democracy, but more characteristic of top-down
decision-making. The Red Shirts are not a grassroots organization; it
is controlled by a few at the top absent any policy-making direction
from the bottom.
Many
believe Thaksin Shinawatra is the shot caller of the Red Shirts. His
vice-like grip on Thai politics is well known, most particularly with
the current proxy caretaker government. For example, the 2011
election campaign posters of Phuea Thai Party promised, "Thaksin
Thinks; Phuea Thai Acts." In addition, stories have been written
by Forbes Magazine, New York Times, Der Spiegel amongst others which
describe how he continues to micro-manage the proxy government led by
his youngest sister, Yingluck. [12] No one elected him in 2011
because he was not on the ballot. He was not on the ballot because he
is a fugitive from the Thai judicial system. A government which
is tightly controlled by a fugitive from justice is not democratic.
Thaksin
reportedly even tries to micro-manage the government's response to
the protests. On February 17, 2014, Wassayos Ngamkhom reported in the
Bangkok Post that on at least two occasions Thaksin, from Dubai,
ordered the arrest of protest leader Suthep who was eating lunch at a
restaurant near the Democracy Monument and ordered the dispersal of a
demonstration site. Thaksin was not concerned there could be clashes
and "losses." The second order reported by Wassayos was to
attack the NSPRT (Network of Students and People to Reform Thailand)
stage near the Government House. Police were summoned to the office
of Chalerm, the head of the Centre for Maintaining Peace and Order
(CMPO), to carry out the orders from the man in Dubai. The Police
leadership balked at carrying out these orders out of concern that
large-scale violence would break out. Although the man in Dubai was
reportedly not concerned about "losses," the Police
leadership apparently was. [13]
Bombings
and shootings directed at individuals and institutions continue.
Armed gunmen have come out to protect demonstrators on three
occasions after demonstrators had come under attack, once by the
police and twice by the 2014 model of the Black Shirts. It is this
deterrent which has frustrated efforts to cause so much violence the
military would have to intervene. An overwhelming number of Thai
people do not want the military to intervene, although there may be
some who want an intervention in order to justify civil war.
Failing
to draw the military into the fray, gunmen are now launching grenades at
court buildings and last week fired several grenades at the home of a
member of the Constitution Court on the eve of its decision to
invalidate the 2011 election. Considering the Red Shirt demand for
the government to commit to civil disobedience against court actions,
it appears civil disobedience is the carrot and grenades are the
stick. Kraisak Choonhavan, former Thai senator, argues the "People's
Courts" are under attack due to their effectiveness and that is
why "they are loathed by corrupt politicians, arrogant civil
servants and avaricious corporate despoilers of our environment."
[14]
Arguably
the appropriate term to describe the political nature of Thaksin's
proxy government, would be "dictatorship of the majority."
The proxy government did not receive the majority of votes in the
2011 election; they were forced to recruit smaller parties to form a
parliamentary majority. The proxy Pheua Thai Party has ignored long
standing protocols and rules directing the operation of Parliament
since taking the reins. It cuts off debate prematurely. Arbitrarily
cutting off debate in violation of the operating rules and practices
of parliament was one of the grounds two attempts to amend the
Constitution were ruled unconstitutional. It is arrogance in the
practice of "dictatorship of the majority" that has brought
unfavorable court rulings against the government.
The
most virulent attacks on the courts have been directed at the
National Anti Corruption Commission (NACC). It has been investigating
the rice pledging scheme enacted by this government in 2011. The
policy was supposed to pay rice farmers 40-50% over market price for
their rice harvest. To date, this scheme has caused losses to the
government of between 10-15 billion dollars because the government
has not been able to sell the rice at those inflated prices. The
government has falsified sales on a government to government basis
with China and it still refuses to release all documents relating to
sales, citing business secrecy reasons. The money has gone somewhere,
but not to the rice farmers who are now coming into their seventh
month without payment for rice already delivered. It is safe to say a
substantial number of Pheua Thai votes in 2011 came from rice farmers
excited about Thaksin's promise of a windfall.
The
NACC warned the government when the bill was passed in 2011 about the
necessity of transparency in the program which was duly ignored by
the "dictatorship of the majority."
In
September 2013, the opposition Democrat Party filed a no-confidence
motion against the proxy prime minister Yingluck Shinawatra. The
motion was based on the apparent corruption and losses related to the
rice pledging scheme. Again, "dictatorship of the majority"
intervened. She was unwilling to answer questions and unwilling to
provide needed government documents about the scheme because she held
a majority.
Now
she has been charged with dereliction of duty regarding the rice
scheme. She named herself chairwoman of the rice pledging committee
so she should be on top of all related matters. Instead, when charged
with dereliction of duty by the NACC, she pleaded for more time to
respond. She and her supporters accused the NACC with being unfair.
She
has had plenty of time and opportunity to prepare. She chose not to.
She was not transparent about the rice scheme during the
no-confidence debate. She didn't need to because she enjoyed
protection by the "dictatorship of the majority." However,
the judicial system is not parliament.
That
is apparently why there are increasing numbers of middle of the night
bombings directed at court buildings and a group of Red Shirts are
blockading the building housing the NACC. This week, a group from the
Red Shirt blockade beat up a Buddhist monk who admonished them about
beating up another person. Thaksin's supporters, known or unknown to
him, are beating up Buddhist monks, killing children, and terrorizing
areas of Bangkok with late night bombings in what appears to be a
repeat of the lead-up to the death and destruction of the 2010
protests.
Is
Thailand suffering simply so Thaksin Shinawatra can get his money
back and have his convictions and more than 25 corruption charges
dismissed? A virulent anti-democracy movement, the Red Shirts,
masquerades as "protectors of democracy." As options run
out for Thaksin, a change in Red Shirt leadership appears out of
nowhere with no input from grassroots Red Shirts. The new leader,
Jatuporn, still faces charges of terrorism relating to his role in
the 2010 violence. Along with his appointment, caretaker government
ministers and deputy ministers speak openly about "combat mode"
and secession. Even the proxy caretaker prime minister got into the
act melodramatically proclaiming, "I'm also the defense minister
meaning I'm like a soldier who has to do his duty until the last
minute. A soldier has to keep the last stronghold and die on the
battlefield. I will die in the democratic battlefield."[15]
The
proxy government's corruption has caught up with it, rendering the
party virtually powerless. Now that the parliamentary path is closed,
it appears supporters of the man in Dubai are becoming more violent
and dangerous. The leadership of the anti-government protests
announced they will call off their protests if the Red Shirts start
killing protestors. The numbers who are willing to fight and die in
order that Thaksin get his money back and all charges and conviction
dropped are diminishing over time.
Thailand
deserves much better. Choosing between two sets of elites benefits no
one. The idea of reform before elections is now more likely than not.
It seems to depend on how much divisiveness and bloodshed the Red
Shirts employ. It would be a great benefit if the sensible Red Shirts
start thinking about how low income people nationwide can participate
on an equal basis in this reform effort. Thailand has a short window
of opportunity to address a myriad of serious problems. It is time to
recognize the serious problem that has most of the population
existing outside of the decision-making process in the Kingdom.
[2].
Human Rights Watch, "Descent Into Chaos: Thailand's 2010
Protests and Government Crackdown", May 2011,
http://hrw.org/reports/2011/05/03/descent-chaos-0
pp 43-46
[3].
IBID. pp. 43-46
[4].
IBID. p. 5
[8].
IBID. Nation Multimedia Group
[14].
http://bangkokpost.com/opinion/opinion/394330/judicial-activism-in-thepeoples-court-comes-of-age