Showing posts with label Bangkok. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Bangkok. Show all posts

Monday, May 19, 2014

Thailand: Military Move is Not a Coup

Image: AK47s seized in back from regime politician's car. 
May 20, 2014 (Tony Cartalucci - ATN) - The Royal Thai Army (RTA) has announced that it is taking over responsibility for national security from the current regime's so-called "Centre for the Administration of Peace and Order" (CAPO). The move came after nearly six months of terrorism carried out by pro-regime militants the regime itself has failed categorically to either condemn or counter with its sweeping, self-granted security powers. As recently as last Thursday, an M79 grenade attack on anti-regime protesters left 3 dead and many more maimed, including an elderly woman who lost her eye. 


Additionally, stockpiles of weapons have been stumbled across by police, who in fact are loyal to the current regime. This indicates that so many weapons have been brought into Bangkok or readied elsewhere by the regime to carry out a concerted terrorist campaign, that their own police are stumbling over them by accident while on routine calls. 

Regime's Premeditated Campaign of Deadly Violence 


The RTA's move comes after over 70 armed attacks on anti-regime protesters since demonstrations began in October of 2013 that have left 24 dead, and many more injured, some seriously with amputations, missing eyes, and other permanent disfigurements. Deaths also include women and children. The attacks are part of a concerted campaign by the regime to cling to power. In TIME Magazine's January 2014 article, "Bangkok Shutdown: Yingluck Supporters Prepare to Fight for Democracy," it states (emphasis added): 

As Thailand’s anti-government protests enter their fourth day, observers say prospects for violent confrontation are increasing, with reports of government supporters stockpiling weapons in case of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s ouster. 
According to the Bangkok Post, radical members of the Red Shirts — diehard champions of Yingluck and her notorious brother Thaksin Shinawatra — are readying a cache of arms in case the 46-year-old premier is forced from office by either military or judicial intervention. 
The paper quoted a Red Shirt source as saying “There are strong anti-coup and anti-court sentiments among the red-shirt mavericks who are familiar and experienced with weapon use.”
The threats cited by TIME were carried out in earnest. The day after TIME published its article, the attacks began. The first was a grenade attack on peaceful marches lead by protest leader Suthep Thuangsuban, which killed one and injured 39. Suthep Thuangsuban was only 30 meters away from the blast, indicating it was a likely assassination attempt. When protesters stormed the building they believed the attacks came from, a stockpile of weapons, as described by TIME was found. The location was in close proximity to a rally site which had  been attacked almost nightly by gunfire. 

The regime's "red shirt" street front would continue both threats and acts of violence over the next several months including: 

The regime has promised violence, carried it out, and has been caught with the implements of its deadly terrorist campaign in the hands of its own supporters and politicians. Calls for "revolution" against the "elite" are regularly howled upon the stages of the regime's increasingly diminutive rallies. After one grisly attack that left a child dead in Trat province, the regime's "red shirt" leaders would openly and abhorrently praise the attack. 



Not only has the regime failed categorically to condemn the violence, it is clear its "Centre for the Administration of Peace and Order" serves as a means to lopsidedly apply the colors of law against its political opponents while turning a blind eye, or worse yet, facilitating deadly violence that targets anti-regime protesters. Its intentional unwillingness to reign in violence it itself is helping facilitate and the state of increasing political instability left by the hobble regime leaves little choice but for the military to intervene, if only to root out and disarm terrorists staging across the country.  


Regime Has Not Been Ousted - No Coup 


It should be noted that the Royal Thai Army's move has in no way forced the current regime from power. The "caretaker government" is still in office. The RTA's stated intention is stemming violence the regime has cateogrically failed to condemn or confront. The regime in fact has prepared a campaign of widespread terrorism for the day it finally is dismissed from power - after an anticipated series of court cases targeting overt corruption, nepotism, abuse of power, and other acts of criminality are concluded. Initial court cases have already led to the dismissal of Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra - the nepotist-appointed stand-in for her brother Thaksin Shinawatra.

Thaksin Shinawatra is at the center of Thailand's current political crisis. A convicted criminal, fugitive, accused mass murderer, and billionaire, Shinawatra still openly runs both his political party "Peua Thai" (PTP), as well as the current regime from abroad - primarily in Dubai, United Arab Emirates. Despite Shinawatra hiding abroad, he openly contested elections in 2011, with his party's campaign slogan literally "Thaksin Thinks, Peua Thai Does." The slogan is full acknowledgement that a convicted criminal hiding abroad from a 2 year jail sentence, multiple arrest warrants, and a growing list of pending legal cases is running both the campaign and the subsequent government by proxy.   


In no other country would such an arrangement be perceived as "legal." In Thailand, it is likewise illegal. Shinawatra's immense wealth and unwarranted influence has allowed him to circumvent even the most basic precepts of rule of law to advance his agenda and maintain his grip on Thai politics. Recent protests and the failure of his proxy regime to implement lofty campaign promises made in 2011 have left him with a dwindling support base. With his impunity weakened, court cases are now proceeding. 

Called by the regime a "judicial coup," court cases in fact involve overt criminality, including the removal of the prime minister for making a series of appointments in 2011 upon taking office to make way for her brother-in-law to become national chief of police. The application of the law in the face of overt nepotism and abuse of power is surely not a "judicial coup." 

The political longevity of Thaksin Shinawatra and his proxy regime is owed predominately to the support of special interests on Wall Street and in the City of London. In the past decade, Shinawatra has served these interests well, including: 

  • In 2001 Shinawatra privatized Thailand's resources and infrastructure including the nation's oil conglomerate PTT while raising the amount of shares foreigners could hold. This led to big-oil giants such as Chevron and Hess siphoning out billions in revenue from Thailand's natural gas and oil supplies. 
These special interests will continue supporting Thaksin Shinawatra and his embattled regime, regardless of the violence and criminality it is sowing across Thailand as it clings precariously to power. However, this support is countered by growing dissidence within Thailand across all segments of the population. The Western media's repeated mantra of "class war" fails to acknowledge that union workers, farmers, and middle class make up the vast majority of the growing protests not only in Bangkok but in provinces in all directions beyond. 

Wednesday, February 2, 2011

Thaksin's Revolutionary Season

By Ron Morris

The Thaksin-funded report to the International Criminal Court paints the Red Shirts as a non-violent movement and alleges that the government and military callously desired a bloodbath. Further assertions are made that the Red Shirts had nothing to do with the burning of Central World. The misrepresentation of these events in both the ICC report and in such articles as Thailand Under Abhisit: Burma with Luxury Hotels seems clumsy and overblown. It is hard to see how an international audience, increasingly savvy about events in Thailand, would be swayed by many of these claims.

The timing of the ICC report, as well as multiple claims from the Red Shirts about a coup, could be part of the ramping up of rhetoric as we near "Thaksin's revolutionary season"--March-April. This is when, during the last two years, well-planned efforts have been made to overthrow the government. It is a period when many provincial farms lie fallow and it is easy to recruit people for rallies.

The 2009 effort was well-planned and surgical. It was direct and militant in its language and aims. The 2010 effort was more grand and chaotic, ultimately depending on an occupation of the city center to force the military to finally fight it out and provide the long hoped for casualties the movement desired. Had the Red Shirt leaders not been divided among themselves and been more direct in their actions, it could possibly have been successful considering the reticence of security forces to act.

The claim that the Red Shirts were essentially peaceful seems hollow after hearing the daily threats of the Red Shirt leaders from the stage, the very public showing of how Red guards wired buildings for burning, and the pronouncements of rebel soldier Seh Daeng. The Red Shirts' expressions of anger and "dissatisfaction" as a pretext for violent acts is entirely in keeping with Thai cultural norms (more about this in Is everything in Thailand "unprecedented?" - May 24, 2010 and About Thai protests - April 30, 2010).

The idea that the military strongly desired a crack down is also not accurate. Historically, Thai governments were seen to lose legitimacy after violence was perpetrated on the populace and thus have to step down. Since the 2006 coup, the establishment has been at pains to avoid at bloodshed while the Red Shirts have pinned their hopes on it--from the surprise attack on Prem's residence to the 2009 Red Shirt rioting. Afterwards, each of these incidents were played up along the lines of "the government has shown their hand--they have hurt the people--this requires the government to step down." Repeatedly the Red Shirts have called on this political tradition to insist that the government is finished.


While there were no deaths caused by the military during the 2009 rioting, Thaksin and others immediately alleged there were many deaths and that meant the government had to step aside. Even when Red Shirts were attacking the Prime Minster's car in Pattaya or taking hostages and attempting to assassinate the PM, authorities were reticent to intervene, much less open fire.


During the 2010 Red Shirt rallies, there were finally scores of deaths. These rallies shook the establishment to its foundations (more about this here: Colonel Romklao's revenge - May 14, 2010) and showed the relative independence of both the military and police from civilian control and highlighted the extreme reticence of these forces to becoming involved.

Rebel military personnel (such as Seh Daeng) were taken out by snipers in response to the humiliation the military experienced when it was successfully challenged on Ratchadamneorn Road by the so-called "men in black." Seh Daeng repeatedly claimed that the defeat on Ratchadamneorn meant that the Thai state was finished and that he was in contact, if not leading, a shadow military force. Despite these and other boasts by the Red Shirts that their men in black were successfully fighting the military, the ICC report makes the strange claim that the men in black were actually part of a government plot to frame the Reds.

It is also highly likely (and a reasonable assumption knowing how the Thai establishment thinks) that snipers were deployed to make sure that Pathumwanaram temple would not be a continuing safe refuge for Red Shirts fleeing Rajaprasong. The establishment knew that violence was the long-sought after goal of the Reds and they would be giving them what they wanted, so the decision to finally wade into the Red Shirt rally site and fight it out must have been a difficult and calculated choice. Compared to the levels of violence perpetrated to "save" the Thai state in 1973, 1976, and 1992, it is surprising that security forces were able to react so quickly and decisively and that the government has able to avoid stepping down. This may be because, unlike the instances of using state power against protesters in past decades, the Red Shirts were not seen by the public as democracy protesters, but as a group funded by a politician for personal gain.

With Thaksin's revolutionary season of March-April coming up again, it is time to watch if there will be a new ramping up of agitation and protest in coming months. With two failed uprisings already attempted, it will be interesting to see what tact will be tried next.

The urgency in 2009 and 2010 to topple the government was, in part, to prevent hardliner Prayuth in coming to power. With Prayuth in control and a dependable Chief of Police installed, it may be that the playing field has changed and that direct confrontation may not be as productive. The tact of using mass protest to force the hand of the military has not succeeded so far and, if anything, Thaksin's political proxies realize he will never be allowed to hold power again. The government, aware of the March-April rally period, could likely call new elections in a way that interferes with the ability and rational for protest during that time.

The case for more Red rallies in coming months is related to the fractious state of Thaksin's Peau Thai Party. Even if the grouping adheres together for the coming elections, there is a feeling that the establishment will never allow a party that vows to "bring Thaksin back" to form a new government--not after the chaos and level of rhetoric against the very highest institutions that has been generated over the past few years.

Knowing this, Thaksin may decide to shift focus from the fickle MPs of the Peau Thai and back to the Red Shirts. This means relying on Red Shirt mass action again and possibly covert methods of creating unrest to paralyze the state and force it to allow Thaksin to return to the political equation.


Ron Morris maintains the 2bangkok.com website, a paragon of journalistic integrity showcasing the good, the bad, and the ugly of all things Thai. 2Bangkok.com is an indispensable resource for those who want an objective view of unfolding events inside Thailand, where newspapers and publications from all sides can be found along with English translations. There is also a section covering Thai infrastructure containing an immense amount of information on Thailand's bridges, rail, and mass transportation systems.

Sunday, August 1, 2010

BBC's "Stark warnings over Thai emergency laws"

Foward by Tony Cartalucci

The International Crisis Group is a US based "think tank" with some of the highest level globalists making up its membership.

Kenneth Adelman: Former US Ambassador to the UN, former lobbyist for Thaksin Shinawtra, the very man behind Thailand's "red shirt" protesters, the riots, and the ongoing political instability in the country.
Wesley Clark: Council on Foreign Relations member, former NATO supreme allied commander.
Carla Hills; Council on Foreign Relations member, Trilateral Commission member, signatory of the CFR's "Building a North American Community" aka the North American Union.
George Soros: globalist extraordinaire, a personal and corporate member of the CFR.
Fidel Ramos: Former President of the Philippines, Carlyle Group member.
Richard Armitage: Council on Foreign Relations member, signatory of the Project for a New American Century,
Zbigniew Brzezinski: CFR member, Bilderberg member, Trilateral Commission member/director/co-founder.

This think tank is hardly an objective organization - as everything these men and women do in the CFR and Trilateral Commission revolve around the geopolitical manipulation of foreign nations and the extra-legal production of US policy. Kenneth Adelman's involvement alone derides any legitimacy ICG might have on the topic, as he is the former lobbyist of the "red shirt's" leader.

Nearly all of the ICG's "recommendations" are also, verbatim, Thaksin's ultimatums given to the government via his new pet lobbyist, Robert Amsterdam.
Samyos Phruksakasemsuk, author of "Voice of Taksin." Samyos claims that the curbs on media are unreasonable and will force people underground. Of course, BBC makes no mention that Samyos's publication regularly featured death threats, calls to arms, and violent rhetoric that served as the blueprint for the violence that struck the city in April and May of 2010. Let's take a look at a few selections from Samyos' "Voice of Taksin" and see if this sort of hatred would be protected under any nation's "freedom of speech" provisions.








Translations can be found here.
http://2bangkok.com/category/thai-politics/red-shirt-publications

Obviously calls to kill people, burn down people's property, and otherwise destroy society at the expense of 65 million people's rights isn't protected under freedom of speech. Typically, if you threaten to kill someone or destroy someone's property, this is called "conspiracy to commit a felony/conspiracy to commit murder." Not only do you have no right to threaten others, you also face serious jail time for doing so.

4. And finally, not even a month went by after this article was published with its "stark warnings" that two bombs went off in the city, claiming the life of one, and seriously injuring 9 others.

With a state of emergency extended, there have been suggestions that underground groups are getting prepared to use violence in Thailand.

The details are unspecific and hard to verify, but pose a stark warning for the government to act with caution.

A "red-shirt" security guard during the protest in Bangkok city centre, who has been in hiding since the army ended the demonstrations six weeks ago, has told the BBC he has been asked to join an organisation training to make bombs.

"We have been approached by two or three groups who used violence during the protest and shot at soldiers," he said, over the telephone from an unknown location.

"They said they are operating underground and would like us to join them but we are waiting for now.

"I understand from the discussions among these groups that there will be bombs. There are 30 to 40 people being trained in how to use petrol to make a big explosion."

Most protesters on the streets of Bangkok from March to May were peaceful, but there was a violent element responsible for firing grenades and automatic weapons at soldiers and police.

There have been a number of small blasts in the last week, but it is not known who is responsible. A grenade attack on an empty gas storage vessel in Bangkok is suspected to have been carried out by serving troops.

'No more instability'

Fears over security was the reason given by the Thai government for extending a State of Emergency in Bangkok and 18 other provinces for another three months.

Five provinces previously under the Emergency Decree, which gives security forces extra powers, had the laws relaxed.

A recent report from the International Crisis Group recommended the government remove these laws, described as "draconian", across the whole country in order to prevent forcing opposition underground.

Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva: "We need to restore order now"

It also called on protest leaders to have charges of terrorism dropped in order to achieve effective reconciliation.

Ahead of the cabinet decision, Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva told the BBC: "There will be a gradual lifting of the state of emergency in the various provinces.

"We need to restore order, the last thing we need now is a repeat of violence or clashes," he said.

"We will do all we can to get back to normalcy as soon as possible. The last thing the country wants now is more instability."

The account from the unnamed former red-shirt security worker suggests the government has reason to worry about the threat of violence, but Thitinan Pongsudhirak, director of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok, disagrees.

"The continued imposition of the State of Emergency is alarming, it violates basic civil liberties," he said, speaking before the cabinet decision.

"It is being used increasingly as a political instrument of the government and the powers-that-be in Thailand to maintain control, to try to put a lid on the opposition, to stifle dissent.

"It will not allow space for dissent, disagreements and grievances to be expressed. If those exist they will be pent up and when they have a chance to come back they will be much more furious than we have seen."

'Repressed'

Opposition media has also been silenced in much of north-eastern Thailand, where the red-shirt movement originates.

It is here the former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra focused his spending efforts and gained popular support while in power.


Samyos Phruksakasemsuk says the media curbs force critics underground

He is seen as a hero by many poorer people who gained from his populist policies of cheap healthcare and credit, but treated as a manipulative and corrupt leader by his opponents, who removed him from power in a coup in 2006. He has been convicted of abuse of power while in office.

Thaksin is blamed by the government for funding and encouraging the anti-government rallies in Bangkok and the efforts to force the current prime minister to stand down.

Many of the community radio and TV stations which were platforms for the anti-government red-shirt message have been shut down by the government and there is anger among people there who feel they have been silenced.

Samyos Phruksakasemsuk is an activist who produced a magazine called Voice of Thaksin, which was also banned, and has recently brought out a new publication called Red Power.

He expects it to be banned as well, but warned the government: "People feel repressed as they can't voice their opinions openly, so the fear is they will go underground and there'll be more violence."

Mr Abhisit said more space would be provided for opposition media.

"The stations closed have been involved in incitement of violence. That's not something I think the country can afford."

A number of commissions have been set up to look at national, constitutional and media reform, as well as a truth inquiry to establish exactly what happened during the protests. He says reconciliation is a priority.

But the red-shirt security guard sent a stark warning.

"What happens depends on what the government does against us. How much pressure they put on us and how patient we will be.

"I don't want anything to happen to our country, but when that day comes it might not be as we hope - the violence will be double what we have seen in the past."


The original article can be found here on BBC's website.




Saturday, May 22, 2010

Globalist Hit Fails in Bangkok

By Tony Cartalucci

As the media tries to canonize fugitive ex-prime minister Thaksin Shinwatra as a visionary of democracy, and patriarch of Thailand's "red shirt" movement, his proxies on the ground in Thailand are either in jail or on the run.

“It is the beginning of class war,” said Natthawut Saikua, a UDD red shirt leader. Mr. Saikua, who was once a member of Thaksin's political party, had called on protesters several times before the final confrontation to "burn all of Thailand to the ground," should the red shirt leadership be caught.



The violent nature of the red shirts is well known in Thailand, but for observers overseas depending on the mass media for information, they appeared as gallant, slingshot wielding protesters on par with the Greeks. They attacked banks, just like the Greeks and fought against heavily armed riot troops, just like the Greeks. What wasn't mentioned was the fact that Thailand wasn't under any "austerity" measures. The media had also done a masterful job of concealing the army of ex-rangers, dressed in black, working on behalf of Thaksin and the red shirts.

They ambushed the military during a crackdown on April 10th, 2010, after conducting weeks of drive-by shootings and grenade attacks on offices and business fronts, including banks that were personal enemies of Thaksin Shinwatra.



http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x2N8xAF5eUw&has_verified=1

From Reuters, "The red shirts' international spokesman, Sean Boonpracong, told Reuters elements of the army are with their movement. They are known as 'watermelons' -- green on the outside but red in the middle -- and they include the shadowy, black-clad men with military weapons that were seen at the April 10th crackdown.

'They are a secret unit within the army that disagrees with what's going on. Without them, the black clad men, there would have been a whole lot more deaths and injuries,' he said."

http://in.mobile.reuters.com/article/worldNews/idINIndia-47881220100421

Major General Khattiya Sawasdipol, know as 'Seh Daeng,' or 'Red Commander,' was a close associate of Thaksin Shinwatra, meeting him several times in Dubai during Thaksin's exile, also made a startling admission that indeed, there was an armed, militant wing of professional killers working on behalf of Thaksin. This report comes from "The Age."

"In one recent interview he declared that he had 300 armed men trained for ''close encounters'' and armed with M79 grenade launchers. In other interviews he denied he was the leader of the military wing of the UDD.

When a senior military officer was killed by sniper fire last month, he told the media that it was the work of a shadowy unit supporting Thaksin inside the military, dubbed the Ronin Warriors (a reference to the era of Samurai warriors in Japan). He strongly denied he was the leader of this death squad."

http://www.theage.com.au/world/red-commander-saw-himself-as-thai-william-wallace-20100518-vc54.html


Despite open admissions of armed insurrection against the Thai government by red shirt leadership, the mainstream news media did its best to bury these facts and continue portraying Thailand as another "Greece." Another premise they have made was that this movement was grassroots, organic, and fluid. Again, those in Thailand knew otherwise.

The red shirt leadership is an exclusive club of Chinese trained Maoists, current and former members of Thaksin's political party, and entertainers paid to place their stamp of approval on the movement for their impressionable audience. The organizing of the "red shirts" can be best described by this article from ISP, which exposes the fact that Thaksin's closest associates were actually conducting indoctrination camps all over the rural north of Thailand.

http://ipsnews.net/news.asp?idnews=50274

The final impression the mainstream media tries to get across to its unsuspecting audience is that the protesters were fighting for "democracy." On face value, those fighting for "modern" democracy implies a globalist hit, but implications are not necessary. Thaksin's Marxist intelligentsia tried in vain to convince us that a Marxist welfare state equates to democracy and self-determination. This interview with self-confessed Marxist, red shirt leader in exile, and writer of the "Red Siam Manifesto," Giles Ungkaporn gives us a breathtaking display of hypocrisy and same-sentence contradictions as he describes the "democracy" the red shirts plan to bring to Thailand.



Thaksin Shinwatra himself, a CFR speaker, former Carlyle Group member, Asian Union proponent who proposed the Asian Cooperative Dialogue, has since the 2006 coup been supported by some of Washington and the West's best lobbyist firms These include Baker & Botts, Edelman, Amsterdam and Peroff, and Barbour Griffith and Rogers. With the mainstream media bending to the commentary of lawyers like Robert Amsterdam, repeating Giles Ungkaporn's rhetoric almost verbatim, and the UN attempting to pry its way into the conflict, again, it appears as if a globalist hit was in progress.

Of course, with the violence ended, and the red shirt leaders and their propaganda network shut down, it is uncertain what will come next. UDD red shirt leader Jakrapob Penkair, and former spokesman for Thaksin Shinwatra, told Asia Times "that the UDD had clandestinely moved small arms from Cambodia to Thaksin's supporters in Thailand's northeastern region, where the exiled premier's popularity runs strongest. He told other news agencies that the UDD was willing to launch an "armed struggle" to achieve its goals, which included the toppling of the government and restoration of Thaksin's power."

http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/KK12Ae01.html

It seems for now, despite the mainstream media's best efforts and the most well connected lawyers and lobbyist firms on earth being involved, the "People's War" has been delayed, giving Thailand some much needed breathing room.

What unfolds in the days, months, and years to come will determine whether Thailand succumbs to the globalists or is able to maintain their sovereignty and work within their own system to end corruption, reduce poverty, and create better social justice through their own, real, self-determination.

On a final note, another convenient oversight of the mass media's new "saint of democracy," was Thaksin's ties to ex-Khmer Rogue, dictator for life; Cambodia's PM Hun Sen. Asia Times article "Plots seen in Thaksin's Cambodia gambit," referenced above, also points out that Thaksin Shinwatra was officially named as Hun Sen's "economic adviser." Thaskin, during his exile has landed more than once in Cambodia to conduct his business of undermining neighboring Thailand. His political party has literally met with him on foreign Cambodian soil to conduct political business. Thaksin Shinwatra's associations with dictator Hun Sen are most unsettling as Hun Sen is himself a globalist minion who has literally sold half of his nation out to globalist investors.

http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2008/apr/26/cambodia

Considering this, and the nature of Thaksin Shinwatra, his nefarious associations and the dubious support given to him and his "red shirts" by the mainstream media, we must take a step back and recognize this for what it was. A globalist hit. It has stalled, and instead of being in "solidarity" with Marxist rebels, we should take the reprieve in violence as a victory and proof that the once 'all powerful' globalists are now showing signs of weakness and failing on every front.